Archive for the ‘Education’ Category

MCA: Hisham is the best MoE

June 28, 2007
Selangor MCA newly -appointed state chairman Ch’ng Toh Eng recently described Hishamuddin Hussein as the “best Minister of Education”  we ever have!

Kerismudin the best MoE? Hahahahahaha…hahahahahaha… 

I hope this fler can spend some time to read this article on Hisham.

希山慕丁怕见董教总?

■日期/Jun 27, 2007   ■时间/11:29:29 am
■新闻/Merdekareview 独立专栏   ■作者/李华龙专栏
           

【海雨天风/李华龙专栏】教育部长希山慕丁一会儿惺惺作态,可以会见董教总代表,似乎开放得不得了,一会儿又一再设下条件(没有诚意、随时来教育部谈学校融合计划等),拒绝会见董教总。为什么?因为这位看似牛犊不怕虎的年轻部长,就是害怕应对董教总提出的华教课题。

问题在希山慕丁。这问题是什么?就是希山慕丁的主观愿望与客观现实之间的落差,落差是这么的大,他心里无底,就这么简单。

希山慕丁是巫统最年轻的部长,又是侯任首相纳吉的副手,即未来副首相内定人选。前者是前首相、发展之父敦拉萨的公子,后者是前首相胡先翁的公子,出身显贵,都是巫统第二代新人。还有,敦拉萨与胡先翁两大家族具有姻亲关系,两者结合一起,谁与争锋?

已铺好了主宰未来巫统、从而也是马来西亚政坛的最有实力大集团的大道。这个美好的前景,年轻的希山慕丁看得一清二楚,信心十足,因而年轻气盛,不要说主流之外的董教总,连国阵里非巫统的盟友也不放在眼里,这是情理中的事。

希山慕丁眼高手低

但是,希山慕丁也有致命伤,这致命伤是眼高手低:当他用传统的激进种族主义手法往上爬的时候,一面倒的情况就越拉越大,种族主义造成华教的困境越来越深重,单元主义与多元主义的矛盾越来越尖锐,这是无可避免的。

希山慕丁对这个尖锐的矛盾无所适从。赢得种族主义的掌声,会失去华裔社会的捧场;若给予华教一定的开放,就得不到党内种族主义十足的支持,他感到左右为难。但是,至少目前,他选择了宁要个人前途,向种族主义靠拢,对董教总采取落井下石的针锋相对的策略。这就是为什么会谈一直不能打开的缘故。

希山慕丁的策略,除了个人年少气盛之外,还有党内集团倾扎的强烈需要。他持着当前单元主义教育绝对优势的地位,给华教一点小恩小惠,本来是小儿科的一回事,决不构成问题。但是,任何带有改良色彩的步骤,都会令党内同仁产生不是自己人的误解,有碍仕途,他不得不屈服,至少暂时是这样。

所谓暂时,就是说其间还有游刃的余地,还有随机应变的空间。这个余地是单元主义的绝对优势给他带来的方便,比如,华小迁校的条件给以一定的放宽,拨款一定数量的增加,甚至选定10所独中为示范学校等等。没有绝对的如意算盘 这就是他自言自语说的教育部已经在执行着维护华教的政策的真正用意。又或者在大选前夕,搞一个漂亮的大秀:马华公会要求什么的,由教育部长亲自答应,一面增加票源,巫统、马华公会双赢,一面进一步边缘化董教总,也是两家求之不得的。

但是绝对的如意算盘事实上是不存在的,因为客观事实总是相辅相成的两面共存着的,世上没有绝对的东西。希山慕丁一方面有持无恐,另一方面他又有害怕的弱点,比如,法外立法:华小不允许增建而国民学校则无限兴建、国民学校拨款的零头比华校的总拨款还多、华校师资常年不足而国民学校大有剩余等等。所有这些违反宪法,甚至违反希山慕丁自己宣布过的公平政策的问题,希山慕丁无法回答。华社、华团、董教总可以光明正大的挑战希山慕丁,要他给以正面的交代。

以子之矛攻子之盾,希山慕丁的虚伪就不攻自破,华教历史上这种例子太多了。一旦华教舆论起来了,一旦华社正义之声起来了,运动展开了,单元主义就不得不讲迁就,讲平衡,讲选举胜算,他们从来不会自动给你好处的。这就是历史的规律。

明乎此,董教总、华社应当怎么做,也就完全清楚了。 李华龙是新策略资讯研究中心研究员。

Baixiao: To raise RM 250,000 from this Saturday’s dinner

June 22, 2007
Baixiao Annual Solidarity Dinner

Venue: Section 17 carpark (former Sentosa Cinema) Petaling Jaya

Date: Saturday, 23 June 2007

Time : 7.30pm – 12 pm

This will be the 7th annual dinner organised by the Baixiao (SJKC Damansara )  to raise fund for the original school which was shut down by the Umno-led BN Government by force seven years ago. The decision was instigated by MCA.

See you there!

白小表明只要重开愿接受改名
旺姐:政府别因面子问题拖延

07年6月22日 下午4:09 Malaysiakini

人民公正党全国主席旺阿兹莎医生(左图)呼吁政府在人口稠密的白沙罗新村周围地区

,增建华小或重开白小

,以实现政府不会边缘化华小的诺言。

旺阿兹莎是在白小保校运动7周年筹款晚宴前夕发表文告表示

,在全民认同马来语文为国民共同语文的前提下,个别族群自由使用及发扬其母语教育是属于基本人权范畴,况且它还得到我国宪法的保障。

“因此,在华裔人口稠密的地区增建华文学校,这不仅是华裔族群应享有的教育权利,它更是政府刻不容缓的责任。”

最新筹款总数冲破23万

白小保校工委会定于明晚(星期六,6月23日),在八打灵再也17区29路停车场举办“白小七周年筹款晚宴”,并以“华小要增建、白小要重开”作为这次的主题。工委会执行秘书陈香琴表示,晚宴欲筹募25万令吉以应付来年开销和支付白小原校教师薪水,最新的筹募总数已经冲破23万令吉。

届时晚宴将筵开2百席,邀请2千名关心白小的人士赴会。去年的“陪白小走过2000天”筹款晚宴不只突破目标,最后冲到40万令吉,反映白小课题依然获得社会的热烈关注。

旺阿兹莎指出,白小保校委员会主席熊玉生曾表示,该委员会愿意接受任何名称为原白小重新命名,唯一的条件是重新启用旧校园作为华小用途。这种积极的建设性意见,政府是没有任何理由拒绝的。

她表示,八打灵是雪隆区最严重缺乏华小的地方之一,在白沙罗新村周围地区多增建两三间华小,才能缓华小学生爆满的问题。

“如果政府甩不掉某些利益关系,又或障于面子问题不去解决,它最终将会妨碍我国多元教育的发展。”

八打灵县内尚需29间华小

根据媒体报道,去年八打灵县内共有4万623名学生,今年的学生人数增加5%,即4万2千793人。根据每间华小1千500名学生的标准人数计算,八打灵县内尚需29间华小。

旺阿兹莎认为,白小保校委员会7年来坚持重建社区学校的斗争,是一种展现人民主权斗争精神的具体表现,值得支持和赞扬,同时考验政府平等对待各民族母语教育的诚意。

“白小原校是人为因素而被关闭的,政府理应远离利益关系而严守教育原则,更不应该使用行政权力使问题复杂化。”

Chang Ming Thien Fund Foundation: What has gone wrong?

June 19, 2007

I have made a police report with the PJ police on 23 March 2003, asking the police to investigate why Chang Ming Thien Fund was still not launched 23 years after the late Chang Ming Thien has donated RM10 million to the MCA to set up an education foundation to offer scholarship to needy students in this country. I also wanted the police to find out why the interest accrued as reported by Ling Liong Sik was so little after more than 20 years.

The case was transfered to Commercial Crime Department in Bukit Perdana KL and the investigation has started not too long after my report. I was told that Ling Liong Sik was summoned to Bukit Perdana for a good explanation. And nothing has come out of my report until I received a call from Bukit Perdana last week.

I have just got back from Bukit Perdana a while ago.  I was given to understand that the CCD has completed its investigation and I would soon be given an official report on the outcome of its investigations.

Just a little background for bloggers who were unfamiliar with the case…

Chang Ming Thien Fund Foundation was only registered on 18 April 1990, that’s 10 years after the late Chang has donated the RM10 million to MCA through Multi-Purpose Holdings Berhad ( as part of the deal when MPHB bought over the UMBC bank from General Holdings).

This, to me, is a gross negligence on the part of MCA. Due to the delay of the establishment of the CMTF Foundation, the money was never passed to the Foundation but left in the coffer of MPHB, a company owned by MCA. In fact, MCA only set up the CMTF Foundation after numerous pressure from the DAP and other concerned citizens. But a good 10 years has gone! And what has happened to the interest accrued from the principal sum of RM10 million?

On 16 Dec 1991, the late family of Chang decided to bring MPHB and MCA to courts for not utilising the fund contributed in 1980 through General Holdings. Can anyone blame the late Chang’s family for doing that?

As a result of the lawsuit, CMTF Foundation put on hold of all its operation. The money was still with MPHB throughout the lawsuit. The case was finally over when the appeal by General Holdings was rejected by the Federal Courts on 18 Nov 2002. The money ( RM 9,820,253.10) was then transfered from MPHB to CMTF Foundation on 20 Dec 2002. Again, what has happened to the interest? And why should MPHB deducted some RM179,747 as solicitor’s fee from the RM10 million contribution?

But sad to point out that Board of Directors under the leadership of MCA top guns still do not bother to activate the fund. Such irresponsible act has prompted me to lodge the police report.

I was also unhappy that the interest accrued as reported by Ling Liong Sik was far short of expectation. What has gone wrong in the MCA under Ling Liong Sik? (In my police report, I attached a 20-years interest rate card issued by the Bank Negara to illustrate my point. Even if the lowest interest rate was used as the basis of calculation, the amount should be much higher than what was reported by Ling in the press! )

About one year after my police report, MCA then only decided to launch the CMTF Foundation. That’s about 25 years late (the RM10 million was donated in 1980)! If the MCA leadership did not screw up “big time”, thousands of needy students could have benefited from the Chang Ming Thien Fund.

The police findings so far has not answered my initial question- why the interest accumulated for the past 20 over years falls short of the expected amount (according to the bank intetrest rates declared by Bank Negara)? If the money was not touched or “frozen”, it should be kept in a bank account to bring in interest. No one would keep the RM10 million in hard cash and lock it in a safe. No?

I will study with my lawyer whether we have a case to initiate a civil case against both the BOD of CMTF Foundation and the leadership of MCA for their negligence and mishandling of the fund. Stay tuned.

The Kuen Cheng Fiasco

May 23, 2007
After reading various news reports and watching the relevant video clips closely, I think the Alumni of Kuen Cheng High School has every right to question the Board of Directors led by William Cheng.Seriously, how could one pays RM500 to another person or each of his own employee (who knows nothing about the school’s affairs) to register as sponsor of the school, and then bring them in buses to cast their votes ‘blindly’ in his favour?

It is very sad indeed to note that the Chinese community is full of such irresponsible and despicable characters who claimed to be ‘community leaders’. They are doing a great disservice to the community instead of serving the community they claimed to represent.

大会限制发言权采记名投票
坤中赞助人批董事会假民主
实习记者黄勃扬
07年5月22日 傍晚7:58
Malaysiakini

续昨日坤成女中校友会会长李书祯表态欲采取法律行动,以否决赞助人大会的合法性之后,部分赞助人今日也纷纷对董事会掌控会议、实行假民主的行径,表示不满。

前日的赞助人会议场面火爆,校友会成员因不满董事会的选举细则,多次提出抗议,董事会也提高声量控制场面,双方各执一词,竞相发言。李书祯在临时赞助人大会提案休场计票时,向董事长兼议长钟廷森提出口头和书面抗议后离席,其他不满董事会的校友们也先后离席。董事会最终成功取得压倒性支持,授权董事会全权处理重建与招收男生事宜,

一群以陈儒霖、罗梦施、张月瑜、叶逢梅等人,今日召开新闻发布会,声称代表100位赞助人针对董事会在大会上,忽视赞助人的与会权利表示不满。

她们也针对大会中出现的各种问题提出抗议,并且表示会以书面方式向董事会反映。

她们提出的问题包括:

1.大会主席钟廷森欠缺中立性和赞助人的与会权利不受尊重。钟廷森在会议进行期间一再为本身的立场辩护,并且频频将持不同意见的发言人的麦克风和现场音响关掉。赞助人除了身感不公平外,他们的发言权也不受到尊重。

2.大会主席没有依照议事程序。大会会议由开始到结束都没有公布出席人数、委托人人数,以及5月3日至12日这段时间成为赞助人的人数,只是公布了最后的投票结果。

3.选举采取记名投票方式。赞助人在投票前已被以英文字母分各组,而且也使用记名方式来投票。所以他们怀疑此举将让投票者产生恐惧,并有让人方便追查选票的嫌疑。

4.投票程序疑点重重。例如大会主席宣布赞助人可以帮他人上台将选票投入投票箱,促使许多人手上都持有大叠选票,让人无法知道这些选票是否都合乎程序。

此外,她们也不满董事会在大会前邀请赞助人提出议案,但是在提呈了13项议案后,董事会竟没有于大会上讨论。她们批评,董事会如此作法只是实行“ 假民主”。

监票员:1个人投100张票

大会其中一位监票员兼赞助人陈逸萍(右图)表示,这次大会所采用的投票方式简直可以用“荒唐”来形容。

“我看到有人手上拿着差不多100张的票在投,甚至还要人帮他把票塞进去。这是很荒唐的事情!我就很质疑这次的投票到底合不合法?”

“之后我把这些投很多张票的人号码记下来,他们都很紧张,都把号码收起来不让我抄。身为鉴票员,我就向议长抗议,他不但关掉我的麦克风,之后对我的抗议也不理不甩,后来我觉得整个游戏都是操控在他们手上,就选择离席了。”

此外,陈儒霖也对90%的赞助人未等到议题投票结果出炉就纷纷离场的现象感到不解。

“如果他们对关心坤中的发展和前途,那为什么在投票之后,未等到结果出来就跑掉了。当时只有我们这10%的人留在空空的会场。”

校友会成立法律基金捍卫权益

校友会会长李书祯(左图)指出,校友会已于5月20日成立坤中法律基金会,目的在于捍卫坤中校友会的权利。在法律基金下,校友会得到5位专业律师的协助,当中不乏坤中校友的帮助。

“我们其实一直都有寻求和董事会做沟通,但是都无法达成协议。之后我们寄了很多专家报告和国际研讨会的结果给他们,同样没有得到回应。我们原本想通过这次的大会和他们进行沟通,但是现在搞成这样。我们还有什么路走?”

李书祯表示,成立法律基金除了准备对赞助人大会的合法性提出诉讼外,也是预防校方也同样对她们采取法律行动。

“我希望公众人士和校友可以支持我们校友会捍卫权益,并且表现出反对这种选举方式的决心!无论捐献多少,我们都乐于接受。”

吁文教领袖了解问题才评论

针对一些文教领袖呼吁校友会“停止争议”、“互相尊重”等建议,李书祯认为这种说法对校友会来说并不公平。

“我们之前有邀请王超群、吴治平等人出席我们的国际研讨会,我们也要求和他们见面寻求他们的意见,但是他们都以工作繁忙而拒绝我们。为何现在结果出来后,他们就以“合事佬”的角色叫我们停止争议?”

“他们有没有从教育和学术的角度来具体看待这件事情,而不是一味地往财团脸上贴金!”

李书祯认为,任何人在评论一件事情时必须全面地去了解,避免发生误导群众的结果。

教总主席王超群昨日形容,坤中的发展是一件好事,并表示既然该校赞助人大会已同意开放招生,各方都应尊重。校友联总署理主席吴治平则表示,赞助人大会是最高机构,反对者不同意也得同意,这是别无办法的事。

这场坤成女中改制与扩建风波,源自董事会在去年议决通过从2008年开始,迈向男女合校体制的变革发展,同时也建议拆除四合院校舍,改建一栋耗资千万令吉的新校舍。董事会认为男女同校是时代潮流,也是塑造男女正常交往的学习环境、合校后家长可以将儿女送往同一所学校,无须两头跑,以及让坤成一小和二小的男学生能够升入坤成独中。

此举却遭到校友会的反对,数次展开抗议行动。一些校友更成立了“捍卫坤中女校体制,坚决反对拆四合院联盟”,提出四项诉求,即反对拆除具有历史及文化价值的四合院、反对因发展过度而改制招收男生、捍卫母校创校宗旨和精神,培育女子为办学理念,以及促请董事会召开汇报会向华社说明扩建校舍及招收男生的真正目的。

質疑贊助人大會合法性
坤成校友會將入稟法庭

Sinchew – updated:2007-05-22 20:30:13 MYT



■陳儒霖(右三):21名贊助人準備發動第二次的臨時贊助人大會。右起為葉逢梅 、周雁霏;左起為羅艷施、黃荔嬪和張月瑜。(放大)
■李書禎(左):決定通過法律行動質疑贊助人大會合法性。右為陳如珊。(放大)

(吉隆坡訊)坤成校友會將在近期入稟法庭,對坤成中董事長丹斯里鍾廷森主持的常年贊助人大會的合法性提出質疑。

該校友會也將通過法庭訴訟,捍衛校友會在董事會的權利。
該會會長李書禎週二(22日)在新聞發佈會上說,校友會已成立法律小組,做好入稟法庭的工作。

她說,至少有5名校友和非校友的律師給於聲援,他們擅長打官司,一旦文件準備工作完成後,將會正式入稟法庭。

李書禎表示對週日(20日)召開的常年贊助人大會感到不滿,並認為這是在一場不公正和不透明的大會。

她說無法忍受,這次的大會是在十分草率的情況下通過提案,授權董事會處理重建計劃及適當時招收男生。

她指出,坤成校友會有1600名校友,希望她們能對母校的發展給予更大的關注。

成立法律基金發動全國籌款

李書禎說,入稟法庭是校友會不願意看到的局面;但是,經過多次的努力和嘗試,以及失去所有談判平台後,只好選擇這條路。

她說,為了要採取訴訟行動,該會也成立法律基金,並會發動全國籌款,希望得到更多的校友和關心坤成發展的社會人士的支持。

坤中贊助人大會
13提案未討論

由21名聯署發動臨時贊助人的代表,向大會提呈的13項提案,卻不被討論,這些提案包括:

●有鑑於教育乃百年樹人之大業,坤成女中董事會有義務向社會人士提呈未來5年之教育大藍圖。

●校方應該促進教師會的成立,讓校方與教師有一個溝通和交流的管道。

●校方應付全職教師第13個月的薪水及設立獎掖制度。

●吁請董事會接納坤中家長會的成立。

●吁請董事切勿排除異己,應將坤成校友會納入坤成百年校慶的工委會。

●坤成是女校,女董事成員在董事會的議席應該至少占全部董事成員議席的三分之一。

●董事會應將坤成校友會納入當然董事,名額5席。

●應把家長會成員代表納入董事會,名額5席。

●建校工程進行公開招標,以保障建校成本及建築品質。

(星洲日報‧2007.05.22)

DongJiaoZong: Terms and conditions for relocation of SJKCs ridiculous!

May 6, 2007
 DongJiaoZong, the umbrella body of Chinese education in Malaysia, today criticises the Education Ministry for its seven conditions laid down for the relocation of Chinese primary school. The organisation opines that such terms and conditions were unconstitutional; it aslo shows that the Chinese primary school system was being marginalised and not given the due recognition by the BN government.I totally agree with DJZ on the matter.So what are these seven conditions which were described as ridiculous and unacceptable by the DJZ?

a) The relocation plan must be endorsed by ALL parents before submission to the Education Ministry.
b) The school board and PTA must bear the full responsibility of building the school as well as acquiring the necessary land.
c) The proposed school must be located in an area where a Chines primary school was most needed.
d) The plots alloted and reserved for government schools must not be used for the relocation of SJKCs.
e) All information of the proposed land must be submitted to the Education Ministry for approval.
f) The building plan must be submitted to the Education Ministry for approval.
g) The original school premises must be closed down upon the completion of the relocation of school.

Now, you should understand why DJZ was crying foul on the matter. Ong Kata Nothing, say something now!

教育部迁校方案无法解决需求
董教总强烈反对七项迁校条件

07年5月5日 下午2:36 Malaysiakini
针对副教育部长韩春锦(左图)日前引用教育部所制定华小迁校必须符合七项不合理条件的谈话,董教总今日发表文告反驳说,这七项迁校的条件,可说完全否定了华小做为国家教育体系的地位。董总主席叶新田与教总主席王超群指出,除一切由华社来承担所有的费用之外,教育部更对迁校设下严苛的条件。尤其是第一条“必须获得所有家长的书面同意迁校,并提呈给教育部”,只要有任何一个学生家长反对,就不能进行迁校。他们发表联名文告指出,教育部为化解华社对难以增建华小的不满,企图以一校换一校的迁校方案来为其不增建华小政策作替代或化解华社的不满。然而,迁校作为非治本的约束华校发展的做法,既不能有效解决华社的需求,而且也导致在迁校的过程中,往往出现许多的纠纷及风波。董教总批评说,教育部果真重视家长的意愿,就不会不允增建华小,反而在迁校这件事上却又摆出尊重每一个家长的大民主风范的戏码来。第七项的规定,“一旦迁校后,原有的旧校地必须完全关闭”,可说明明白白的告诉华社只允迁校,不允增建学校的既定政策。

董教总强烈反对这七项迁校的条件,要求教育部必须撤消这几项有关迁校的不合理规定。同时要求教育部果真重视家长的民意,就理应按需求增建华小。

另一方面,董教总也要求副教育部长韩春锦,针对上述七项不合理的迁校的条件,明确表明其是否接受这样的规定。

董教总文告全文如下:

1. 我们认为,《1996年教育法令》第28条规定“在本法令条文的约束下,教育部长可以设立国民学校与国民型学校,并且必须维持这些学校”。换言之,增建华小是具有明确的法理依据。可是,至今要增建一所华小可说要费尽华社的心力,且往往是旷日持久的努力下才获批准。各源流学校难以获得增建的不公平政策,已严重违反与剥夺各族父母让孩童接受母语教育的意愿与权利。对华社来说,许多城镇地区严重缺乏华小,造成华小拥挤以及学额不足的状况越来越严重。

2. 教育部为化解华社对难以增建华小的不满,企图以一校换一校的迁校方案来为其不增建华小政策作替代或化解华社的不满。然而,迁校作为非治本的约束华校发展的做法,既不能有效解决华社的需求,而且我们也看到在迁校的过程中,往往出现许多的纠纷及风波。因此,遵循教育法令及按实际需求制定和落实增建华小的制度和计划,才是解决问题的根本及关键所在。

3. 更明确地说,目前以迁校来作为不增建华小的替代方案,也存在着重重难题与不公。教育部前几年就制定了不公平与不合理的批准搬迁华小的七项条件,即:
a) 必须获得所有家长的书面同意迁校,并提呈给教育部。
b) 有关学校的董事会和家教协会必须负责建校及自寻迁校的土地。
c) 有关建议的校地必须是在华小需求量高的地区。
d) 有关建议的校地必须不是政府学校保留地。
e) 必须把有关校地资料提呈给教育部,并获得批准。
f) 有关学校必须提呈在新校地的建校计划书给教育部,并获得批准。
g) 一旦迁校后,原有的旧校地必须完全关闭。

这七项迁校的条件,可说完全否定了华小做为国家教育体系的地位。除一切由华社来承担所有的费用,更对迁校设下严苛的条件,尤其是第一条“必须获得所有家长的书面同意迁校,并提呈给教育部”,只要有任何一个学生家长反对,就不能进行迁校。教育部果真重视家长的意愿,就不会不允增建华小,反而在迁校这件事上却又摆出尊重每一个家长的大民主风范的戏码来。第七项的规定,“一旦迁校后,原有的旧校地必须完全关闭”,可说明明白白的告诉华社只允迁校,不允增建学校的既定政策。

4. 董教总强烈反对这七项迁校的条件,要求教育部必须撤消这几项有关迁校的不合理规定。同时要求教育部果真重视家长的民意,就理应按需求增建华小。 另一方面,董教总要求副教育部长韩春锦,针对上述七项不合理的迁校的条件,明确表明其是否接受这样的规定。

SOS Damansara: Open letter to Ong Ka Ting

May 5, 2007

In her open letter to Ong Kata Nothing, Ling Yi Xiu expressed her sadness and dissatisfaction over the attitude of Ong and other MCA leaders like Chew Mei Fun. She claimed that while Ong refused to accept a newslatter from the SOS Damansara committee in Ijok, Chew on the other hand refused to talk about the reopening of the original SJKC Damansara (Bai Xiao) when she met her in the village.

According to Ling, MCA leaders blamed the SOS Damansara committee for  highlighting the issue in by-elections, but the party offers no solution for the past 7 years.

  ■日期/May 03, 2007 ■时间/04:18:53 pm ■文章/林玉秀

标题:一位白小原校家长对马华总会长的期待

本人是白小原校的家长,4月22日,本人连同白小保校工委会成员前往依约补选区,派发白小保校运动宣传单。当天有幸的我们遇见马华公会总会长黄家定及副首相纳吉,本人即刻给了两位部长白小保校宣传诉求--“华小要增建,白小要重开”,但是遗憾的是我们尊贵的马华公会总会长并没有接领这份宣传单。 4月28日,下午4时30分,本人有幸再次于依约补选区见到马华总会长,本人再次递上一份白小保校运动宣传单,这次他很快的收下,折成数折塞进袋子里。本人及另一位家长便与他交谈大约10多分钟,然后借此机会询问白小原校是否能够重开。总会长回答说:“白小已经搬迁,这是我们必须接受的事实。” 他也表示如果社区需要小学,不是一间,就是两间、三间,他本人也想要,但他表示不能和白小原校混为一谈。“每一次快要有一点成绩时,就看到白小保校成员在补选区派发白小保校文宣,似乎与反对党()在野党连成一线,来给马华(公会)施压,好像是要告诉天下的人是马华(公会)关闭了白小,我认为你们不是反对党(在野党),但往往在如此的场合出现,就会让人误解,瓜田李下,和反对党(在野党)同一阵线”。此外,他也反问我们“试问如此的方式来打压,那一个政府会妥协呢?” 本人也向部长解释,因为只有补选时才能够见到部长。此外本人也向他解释我们也有每月写信到教育部、首相属及教育局,甚至约见马华青年团总秘书魏家祥,进行交流,但是都不了了之。 本人也提到在去年5月4日,白小原校(八打灵再也,白沙罗新村阮梁圣公庙)遭遇风灾,八打灵北区国会议员周美芬也有来到新村慰问部分居民。然后,本人赶忙向她提出希望能够重新考虑使用白小原校的事宜,可是她却态度傲慢,本人一边和她交谈,但是她却走向另一个方向,让身为小市民的我觉得非常失望。 黄总会长听后就猜测我们是否态度不友善。但是本人想让总会长知道的是本人态度绝对有礼貌,因为能够与我心目中仰慕已久的议员交谈,竟然得到如此的对待!身为一位家长也是八打灵北区的选民,本人感到非常失望及无奈。社区居民仅仅需要这所学校重新获得使用,难道会很过分吗? 此外,黄总会长也表示,就是因为保校成员每每在补选区到处派发白小保校宣传单,而造成马华公会努力争取重新使用白小原校的努力功亏一篑,而间接影响马华公会声誉。本人就当下询问如果我们就停止派发宣传单的活动,是否有效帮助重新使用白小原校呢?总会长表示他会去协商,他也强调没有把握的事,他不会随意公布,这是他的处理方式。部长也提到沙亚南的一间小学,经他以马华公会总会长的身份处理后,成功争取将原有的2亩地变成5亩地。部长也提到在没有惊动任何人之下,他曾到访过白小原校校舍,他也知道白小的状况。 本人非常感谢在如此的机会下能够与黄总会长进行一席交流,本人非常尊重总会长的立场。但是身为白小原校的家长,本人认为白沙罗这个社区真的需要这所学校,本人想这也是众多华社的心声。黄总会长口口声声表示白小已经搬迁到丽阳镇,本人也赞同这一点,但是为什么要关闭一所学校(白小原校),才能够建设另一所学校呢?本人觉得丽阳镇拥有一所学校是一件非常好的事情,因为该社区的家长也希望他们的孩子能够就近上课。本人想这个社区的居民仅仅希望这所被关闭将近七年的白小原校能够获得使用,解决社区需要就读华文小学的需求,至于校舍的名字可以另行改变。 如果华文小学如副教育部长韩春锦所言,搬迁华小的条件是关闭一所学校,本人想总会长也不能认同这样的说词,因为总会长非常赞同社区需要有华小。但是身为家长的我们担心,下一次我们是否要提早摸黑,到送孩子到另一个社区求学。

Machap: Ong Ka Ting caught hiding in a house…

April 9, 2007

This BN campaigner was a little embarrassed by his President Ong Ka Ting when Ong shy away from meeting the DAP team led by SecGen Lim Guan Eng at Machap Baru yesterday.

Some stories to share with bloggers…

1.In a door-to-door campaign in Machap yesterday, when the MCA President Ong Ka Ting heard that the DAP team led by Lim Guan Eng was coming towards his direction, he quickly went into a house and decided not to come out to face the DAP leaders and members. But Guan Eng was naughty. He stepped into the house and look for Ka Ting for a chat. MCA members who were present were apparently embarrassed by the strange behaviour of their own party chief. I would not be surprise if some of them decided to leave MCA tomorrow. Where do they put their face with this kind of leader as their party president?

2. When MCA Vice President Chua Soi Lek was confronted with the Rawang villagers at a restaurant yesterday, he turned to Chan Kong Choy’s secretary for an explanation. When Chan’s secretary failed to answer properly to him, he picked up a phone to call Chan Kong Choy immediately. He wanted to know why Chan did not support the idea of alternative route for the high tension towers as proposed by the Rawang villagers. When Chua sensed that Chan could not give a good answer on the spot, he quickly told the Rawang villagers that he would bring their matter to the Cabinet on Wednesday. Would Chua really raise the matter in the Cabinet? Would he dare to irk his own party deputy president? We’ll find out very soon.   

3. Liow Tiong Lai abused his power by arranging the new national badminton heroes Ku and Tan to visit Machap to campaign for votes. But what did he do to get the rightful rewards for the pair? Nothing! We in the DAP have been pressuring the Federal Government to reward Ku and Tan reasonably. So far, the rewards given to these national “wira” was not even sufficient to buy a Proton Wira. ( They each received only RM35,000 for their respective state).

4. Wee Ka Siong has promised to help reopen the SJKC Damansara school for many months now. But when he was confronted by the SOS Damansara Committee chairman Yoong Yoke Sang in Machap yesterday, he said “GAI TIAN XIAN” ( some other day). His party leader Hon Choon Kim, on the other hand, told the Parliament today that the UMNO-led BN government has decided not to reopen the school ( to a question raised by Chong Eng, the DAP Bukit Mertajam MP cum DAP Wanita Chief.

5. In my speech in yesterday’s ceramah, I explained why I predicted that no MCA leaders would dare to show up for the public debate with DAP youth leaders. Because MCA has done a lot of bad things and made plenty of mistakes in the past, and their leaders would not be able to answer questions raised by DAP. I said MCA is a “NATO” party. Not only they  cannot help the community, more often than not, they help to oppress the community they claimed to represent.

I said while MCA may not be able to build more Chinese primary schools, they were quick to close down the SJKC Damansara (Bai Xiao). You have to “kill ” a Chinese school before MCA could help you to “relocate” to a new one.

I said MCA is now asking the Machap people to vote for their candidate with the promise that their elected representative will serve the people well. But the Rawang case has demonstrated that even minister and Exco member of MCA would run away from their responsibilities when the people really need their assistance.

I also called MCA leaders COWARDS because they dare not counter the keris-waving Hishamuddin and Khairy Jamaluddin. In fact, the Machap people has started calling Liow Tiong Lai ” Liow Bu Lai” ( Liow Not Coming) because he chicken -out from public debate with DAP Youth leaders.

I have also criticised AAB for wearing too many hats but knows too little to run the government. Abdullah Badawi has earned himself a nickname in Chinese called  “Bu Da Hui” ( Not knowing very well). Under “Bu Da Hui”, the economy of Malaysia is tailing  behind our neighbouring countries. I said the share market may look very robust and impressive but everyone should be extra careful. You never know when the market will be crashing down again.

Finally, I urged Machap voters to vote on behalf of all Malaysians. I said many Malaysians now suffer because “prices of everything keep going up” under the Umno-led “Barang Naik” Government.” I said that to many Malaysians, “Merdeka” becomes ” Mat Du Ka” ( Everything goes up in prices). Malaysians now have no mood to celebrate the 50th Merdeka if conditions were not improving.

MCA c/o the government?

April 8, 2007

From the left: Lim Lip Eng, Lau Weng San, Soo Pak Leong and Tiew Wey Kheng at the pc @ DAP Selangor office yesterday.

MCA leaders including Ong Tee Kiat, the deputy minister of higher education, have no answers to questions raised by Soo Pak Leong of Raub , Pahang. Soo, 26, has applied to join the police force as a cadet ASP or Inspector three times but he was rejected simply because his diploma, advanced diploma (both were Science) and a B Sc degree with Campbell University( all through Tunku Abdul Rahman College) were not recognised by the National Accreditation Board (LAN) and Public Service Department (JPA).

MCA must explain why the academic qualifications of TARC were not accredited by the Malaysian authority after almost 40 years since its inception. Is MCA part of the government or merely care of (c/o) the government?

TARC was formed in 1969 at a time when the Chinese community was demanding to set up the Merdeka University. MCA has set up TARC as a political tool to cool down  the Chinese sentiments when Merdeka University was rejected by the then Alliance (now BN) Government. 50% of the fund came from the government and the remaining half has to be raised by TARC itself.

All these years, the college enjoys the great support of the Chinese community and the community in general is now shocked to learn that the academic qualifications were still not recognised by the Malaysian government.

TARC has produced many good students and professionals over the years and we do not see why MCA leaders have failed to get their academic qualifications recognised by the Umno-led BN governnment. Shame on you, MCA leaders.

As long as these qualifications were not recognised by LAN and JPA, graduates of TARC will never be able to join the police force or any other government departments as a civil servant. It’ s certainly not fair and unjust to TARC graduate like Soo Pak Leong and their parents who have trusted TARC.

 Who says Chinese youth were not interested in joining the police force?

GuangMing Daily has the story…

拉曼生斥未獲回應
部長電郵信箱形同虛設

updated:2007-04-08 12:35:27 MYT

■蘇柏良(右)指出,他不僅多次發出電郵給高教部副部長,同時也發給多位馬華正副部長,可是都不曾獲得回應,並駁斥拿督翁詩傑早前表示不曾收到他的投訴文案的說法。左起為劉天球、劉永山。(放大)

吉隆坡訊)針對拉曼院畢業生申訴拉曼學院的學術資格不受公共服務局承認一事,高等教育部副部長拿督翁詩傑前表示不曾收到該名畢業生的投訴文案。該名畢業生則駁斥稱他不僅多次發郵給高教部副部長,同時也把電郵發給多位馬華正副部長,講述他所面對的不公平待遇。他聲稱自電郵發出以來不曾獲得任何一方的回應,讓他覺得部長的電郵信箱形同虛設。

這名拉曼畢業生蘇柏良(27歲,網絡工程師)週六(7日)通過雪州行動黨召開記者會時指出,他曾為了此事多番聯絡公共服務局,甚至電郵給首相及馬華所有部長,結果大都未獲得回應。
曾發電郵給9部長

他曾於去年6月21日第一次寄發電郵給9位馬華部長,包括拿督斯里黃家定、拿督陳廣才、拿督蔡細歷、拿督黃燕燕、拿督翁詩傑、拿督廖中萊、拿督陳財和、拿督林祥才及拿督黃錦鴻。

“由於沒有回應,我於8月16日再次發電郵給這些部長。兩天後,青體部副部長拿督廖中萊的高級機要秘書林英良答覆我的電郵,指馬華會為我據理力爭,並要求我呈上申請書及提供電話號碼。”

8月23日,蘇柏良附上所需文件及電話號碼發電郵給林英良,可是未獲得答覆。他9月5日及29日2次追問林英良有關申請的下落,但依然沒下文。

他說,因此,他在當日寄發電郵給房地部部長拿督黃家定和他的4位秘書,及財政部副部長拿督黃燕燕及秘書。同時他於10月5日也發電郵給拿督翁詩傑。另外,他也在今年1月22日再次追問林英良卻不果。

多封電郵石沉大海
質疑部長沒檢閱

蘇柏良表示他發出的多封電郵至今仍石沉大海,他質疑部長們有否親自檢閱每一封電郵。

“為何我一直發出電郵詢問,但卻沒得到有關方面的回應。我的疑問是到底這些電郵去了哪?馬華的正副部長是否有親自檢閱電郵,還是托他人處理、閱讀和回覆?還是看了卻無動於衷?”

他說,在政府鼓吹一切電腦化的當兒,他通過官方網站,使用電郵發出他的投訴文案,可是他不明白為何部長的政治秘書沒有給予回應。

他聲稱,政府經常鼓勵華人子弟投身政治及警察行業,但如今華裔子弟報讀最多的學院文憑卻不獲認可,那要人民如何參與呢?

“這不只關係到我個人,而是深深影響在籍拉曼生及拉曼畢業生。我也於4月4日親自上門到高教部瞭解實情。”

蘇柏良希望當局關注的3點

●希望高教部能在同一時間內,同時解決拉曼學院高等教育文憑和學術文憑的問題,以便拉曼學院的文憑能受到承認。因為據他瞭解,以拉曼學院文憑想進入本地大學機會很渺茫,因為公共服務局不承認拉曼學院的文憑。

●經過網上資料的查詢,他發現拉曼學院並不在國立大專(IPTA)和私立大專(IPTS)的名單當中,因此希望當局讓公眾知道拉曼學院的定位。

●希望相關部門部長能把他們的個人電郵地址和聯絡方式放在其官方網站或馬華公會的網站上,方便公眾能即時聯絡相關部長解決問題。

劉永山:收集部長電郵很困難

雪州行動黨秘書劉永山表示,蘇柏良獲得的正副部長電郵網址,是他於2005年11月替林吉祥發出緊急電郵時收集所得。他表示收集期間面對很大的困境,因為部長的電郵不是找不到,就是對方沒有親自檢閱電郵。

“對於蘇柏良的問題,拿督廖中萊不曾給予回覆,同時也不曾在馬接補選中辯論。不過,行動黨古晉市國會議員兼社青團署理團長張健仁已於4月2日在國會中替蘇柏良伸張正義,而有關官員也拿了蘇的資料。因此,我們希望在下週一的國會中,高教部及首相署部長能對此事做出交代。”

另一方面,行動黨非政府組織局主任劉天球認為,馬華在此事件中,不應該圍繞著是否收到投訴者電郵的事項,而是儘快解決及爭取拉曼學院文憑的認可。

新聞背景‧文憑不受承認
拉曼生當不了警察

政府積極鼓勵華裔當警察,不過,拉曼學院畢業生蘇柏良(來自勞勿)卻投訴,他從2003至2006年3次申請當見習警官皆被拒,當局給予的理由是,拉曼學院文憑不受公共服務局承認。如今27歲的他已“超齡”,不能再應考警官,讓從小立志擔任警察的他大失所望。 (光明日報‧2007.04.08)

 

Raja Nazrin: Be colour-blind

April 6, 2007
We like to say that our youth are the future of this country, but then we proceed to ignore or marginalise them. We want our future generations to be able to think and act wisely, but then we do not give them sufficient opportunities to do so.” —Raja Nazrin

 In recent times, it has become usual to try and place the blame for the disintegrating state of world affairs on the doorstep of religion. This is a misunderstanding of the first order. Religion is not the cause of societal dystrophy; it is the antidote. It is a social stabiliser that allows believers to reconnect to values that are fast being lost in today’s ever more materialistic and self-centred world.” – Raja Nazrin

“Malaysians of all races, religions, and geographic locations need to believe beyond a shadow of a doubt that they have a place under the Malaysian sun. Only when each citizen believes that he or she has a common home and is working towards a common destiny, will he or she make the sacrifices needed for the long haul.”- Raja Nazrin

“I hope we will do our best to guard against cynicism and hopelessness. And I hope we will all stay the course. Failure, may I remind you all, is a costly option.”- Raja Nazrin

IMO, the speech delivered by Raja Nazrin Shah for young Malaysians should be read by all Malaysians, from an ordinary citizen right up to the prime minister of this country.

I will try my best to translate the speech into Chinese and Malay ( and get an expert to do it in Tamil). Watch this blog.

I thank the Sun for publishing the full text of his speech.

EXTRA! :: Cover Stories – the Sun 6 March 2007

Raja Nazrin: Be colour-blind
Malaysians of all races and religions have a place in this country. Sharing a common destiny, we must put our shoulder to the yoke and work to build the nation, in particular preserving the national unity we have enjoyed through 50 years of nationhood. Given our plural composition, it is a difficult task but it must be done for failure would prove too costly. The Raja Muda of Perak, Raja Nazrin Shah, tells of the ways to do this in his keynote address at the Young Malaysians’ Roundtable Discussion on National Unity and Development on Tuesday. Here is the full text of his speech.

Raja Nazrin is greeted by Malaysian Bar Council
president Ambiga Sreenevasan on arrival at the Bar
Council premises in Kuala Lumper for the function

It is my pleasure to be here to deliver the keynote address at this Roundtable Discussion on National Unity and Development in Malaysia: Challenges and Prospects for Nation Building. I am always happy to take part in an event where there are many young informed Malaysians. I find that this is time well spent. Not only does it give me a chance to share my thoughts, but it also lets me do a bit of opinion research among the younger generation.

We like to say that our youth are the future of this country, but then we proceed to ignore or marginalise them. We want our future generations to be able to think and act wisely, but then we do not give them sufficient opportunities to do so.

In my view, this is not a good way to prepare those who will take our place. If the young are to be good leaders and citizens, they must be exposed to more than just abstract concepts. Even those nation states which have failed miserably have had great political ideals.

I believe that good and upright leadership must be demonstrated. It has to be both taught and observed at work. Then, those who are found to be able, must be mentored by those who are capable. In this way, success can be learned and replicated.

Finally, the young must be given responsibilities they can handle. They should be allowed to make mistakes along the way as part of their overall learning process. If we do these things, our actions will echo loudly into the future.

My address this morning is on the challenges and prospects of nation-building, a topic that is of the greatest and gravest importance. Nation-building is essential to national unity which lies at the heart of what this country was, is and will be.

With the passage of time, it seems that we are starting to forget this and it is imperative that we do not. In the time available, I hope to say enough to provide some fuel for the discussions to follow. It is my earnest wish that you will gain some further perspectives on the nature of nation- building and that you will also deliberate on specific actionable ways to further it in this country.

Confucius insisted that language must be properly used if things are to get done, if justice is not to go astray, and if people are not to “stand about in helpless confusion”. He disapproved of those who misused words to hide their true intentions and actions.

So what exactly is nation-building? Not surprisingly, there are many definitions, some which differ by a little and others by quite a lot. In his book, The Making of a Nation, for example, Prof Cheah Boon Kheng defined it as “both economic progress and socio-political integration of a nation, that is prosperity and national unity”.

This captures what are hopefully the two end-results of nation building, but it makes no mention of its nature and process. I prefer the more common understanding, which is that it is the use of state power across different dimensions to ensure that a country is politically stable and viable in the long term. These dimensions include ethnicity and religion.

As a brief footnote, it should be noted that nation-building is a heated and even hated notion in some parts of the world. The main reasons for this are, first, that it is taking place in the midst of great domestic turmoil and, second, that it is primarily initiated and managed by foreign powers.

Trying to cobble a functioning state by papering over deep social and political rifts is, of course, easier said than done. History has shown us, time and again, that it is much easier to break down, rather than build up, nations.

In the case of Malaysia, nation- building has occurred in generally peaceful circumstances. It was not imposed by another country. And it is undertaken mainly by collective choice rather than compulsion.

The fact that we have been able to forge a nation without resorting to the rule of the gun has made us something of a rarity and a case to be studied, if not emulated. It has allowed a relatively effective system of governance to develop. Our track record in development and resolving problems such as illiteracy, poverty and poor health has been good.

There is, of course, much more that can be done. Our institutions of governance are far from perfect and quality improvements will probably occupy us for at least the next 50 years, if not longer. Nevertheless, for all the criticisms that have been made, it is only common sense that we could not have survived, let alone prosper, these last 50 years if government institutions had not been responsive or effective.

So, what are the central challenges to nation-building going forward? Let me speak first more generally about the world, and then move specifically to Malaysia.

To my mind, there are many challenges, but one that stands out most is that of having to balance the need for change with that of continuity.

Globalisation, in particular, has unleashed sweeping economic, political, social and cultural transformations that have weakened national institutions, values and norms. It is as if all the boats on the ocean had suddenly lost their anchors, rudders and compasses overnight.

Naturally, this has produced a strong reaction in the form of a desire to preserve identity, character and tradition. These are among the strongest motivations known to mankind and have been at the foreground or background of practically every conflict that has ever been waged. Add to this, a deep sense of deprivation, powerlessness and injustice, both real and imagined, and the tension between change and continuity mounts greatly.

Managing change on a national level is never easy, and certainly not on the scale and speed that we are witnessing. Multi-ethnic countries have to be especially watchful, and particularly if they have a weak sense of national collective identity.

In the absence of a strong binding nationalism, they are prone to polarisation and competition along ethno-religious lines. The state, which may well start out by being a relatively honest broker, can become increasingly pressured to act in ways that favour the interests of one group over another.

If the pendulum swings too far in one direction, dissatisfaction and frustrations will inevitably result. These can be expressed in ways that range from passive non-cooperation to active opposition and even violent conflict. To a large extent, this has led to the fragmentation of states.

Countries need to recognise the larger macro forces at work and understand their implications. They have to engage creatively to ensure that there are sufficient investments in social capital and cohesion. They must create and capitalise on cooperative systems within societies.

In recent times, it has become usual to try and place the blame for the disintegrating state of world affairs on the doorstep of religion. This is a misunderstanding of the first order. Religion is not the cause of societal dystrophy; it is the antidote. It is a social stabiliser that allows believers to reconnect to values that are fast being lost in today’s ever more materialistic and self-centred world.

What does Malaysia have to do to ensure that it continues to be successful at nation-building? Psychologists say that our short-term memory can only hold seven items. Let me outline seven guidelines that I think will have to be borne in mind in future nation-building efforts.

First, Malaysians of all races, religions, and geographic locations need to believe beyond a shadow of a doubt that they have a place under the Malaysian sun. Only when each citizen believes that he or she has a common home and is working towards a common destiny, will he or she make the sacrifices needed for the long haul.

In Malaysia, the Federal Constitution, the Rukun Negara and Vision 2020 encapsulate the rights, hopes and aspirations of the population in a way that no other documents do. The integrity of these documents must be defended and promoted, especially the first.

Second, when we seek solutions to problems in nation-building, we must be careful not to assume away problems. Nation- building is required precisely because there are stark differences within society. If we all walked, talked and thought the same, it would probably not be needed.

There will therefore be chauvinistic groups in this country, just as there are in others. They will fight the idea of national unity, block social change and try to be politically dominant. The existence of these groups, however, does not mean that nation-building is a futile exercise.

It does mean that we must be prepared to negotiate our way through and around these differences. We can, for example, create social movements that aim to enlighten and dissuade popular support being given to them.

Third, nation-building requires accommodation and compromise. In our haste to be prescriptive, we should not be so idealistic that we are incapable of also being practical. We should not allow perfection to be the enemy of the good. Yes, we should seek the best solutions and expect the highest standards of performance.

But we should also be prepared to sacrifice some part of our positions for the good of the whole. The virtues of pure self-interest are largely a myth. What seems to be a reality is that individuals end up worse off when they act out of self-interest, as opposed to acting in their collective group interests.

Fourth, if nation-building is to be successful, enforced solutions must be avoided. Nation-building is effectively rendered null and void by coercion or the threat of violence. Might cannot, and must not, be shown to be right. If solutions cannot be found within the political and social structures, there will be a strong temptation to resort to illegitimate ways and means.

Fifth, nation-building occurs when society is open, tolerant and forward-looking. So important are these values that they are embedded in Vision 2020’s nine strategic challenges, as are those of mature democracy, caring society and innovation. Only by being inclusive and participative can the various sectors of our society be productively engaged. It follows that all forms of extremism, chauvinism, racism and isolationism must be guarded against. They must be soundly sanctioned socially, politically and, if necessary, also legally.

Sixth, nation-building is a process rather than an outcome. When Malaysia started off 50 years ago, there were no examples to study. There were no manuals to follow. Mistakes were made and, to a greater or lesser extent, lessons have been learned.

While a sense of impatience is perhaps fully understandable, nation-building takes place over a period of time and only with persistence. Where there is no trust, trust has to be built. Where there is no cooperative network, one has to be established. Building on layers of foundation is the only way to ensure that the process is solid and sustainable.

Seventh, the political, social and economic incentives must reward good behaviour and penalise bad. I know that this statement is virtually self-evident, but it is a fact that many countries are as likely to punish good behaviour as to reward it. After all, if there are benefits for corruption, then there is a real cost to being honest. The incentives for building up a nation must be greater and more compelling than breaking it down. The price of racial and cultural intolerance must be made prohibitively high.

I believe fostering national unity is the responsibility of every Malaysian. However, schools, institutions of higher learning and sports centres have a very special role to play. This is because the sense of national unity is best inculcated in the young.

Through textbooks, sports and interaction, educators should eliminate ethnic stereotypes. Through the imaginative teaching of the history of Islamic, Chinese and Indian civilisation, educators could foster greater understanding among different ethnic groups.

It is said that it takes a village to raise a child. I believe this is true. To me, the village comprises three main institutions – family, school and community.

From birth, we should be taught to respect and honour each other’s culture and heritage. Learning to interact with others is part of this process. Playing with children of other races on the playground and in friends’ homes, we learn to go beyond the colour lines early in life. In school we should be taught about other cultures and beliefs under the same roof as others of different ethnic groups – once again cutting through the colour lines.

I am aware that there are many Malaysians who are deeply troubled at the state of national unity in this country. What I have tried to do today is disabuse you of the notion that there are any “quick fix” solutions in nation-building.

If you look closely enough at any country, even those that are regarded today as highly successful, such as Japan, you will find there have been episodes in their past where events were very tenuous.

I hope we will do our best to guard against cynicism and hopelessness. And I hope we will all stay the course. Failure, may I remind you all, is a costly option.


Related Articles:

DongJiaoZong is right. The ultimate objective was to do away with mother tongue education.

March 29, 2007

Loot Laoshi used to ask me this question- If the SJKCs were left with one subject in Chinese, and the rest of the major subjects were either in Malay or English, can you still call them Chinese primary schools?

DongJiaoZong, the umbrella body of Chinese education organisations, today issued a statement to air its disagreement on the issue of using English as a medium of instruction as well as examination for Math and Science subjects in Chinese primary schools.

I too believe that the Education Ministry has the intention to use English as the only medium of examination come 2008.

The ultimate objective of the Umno-led BN Government has always been doing away with mother tongue education in this country. By using English as the medium of instruction and examination for these two subjects would certainly help to get rid of the mother tongue education in this country. 

Thanks to Datuk S.Samy Vellu and the MIC, the Tamil primary school system has “gone with the ” since 2002. Only one major subject is in Tamil. The other major subjects like Math and Science were changed to English. Today, some 800 Tamil education activists staged a demonstration outside the Parliament House to voice their protest. They wanted the BN Government to preserve their mother tongue education.

Would you still call it a Chinese primary school if it was left with one subject in Chinese and the rest of the subjects were either in Malay or English? Chinese Educationist Cikgu Loot Ting Yee has been asking this question time and again.

To me, if the general elections is held before 2008, the BN government would not hesitate to adopt English as the only medium of examination for Math and Science for all SJKCs from 2008. Such measure is certainly in lined with the ultimate objective of Umno, i.e. getting rid of mother tongue education system in Malaysia. Do you think the spineless MCA, Gerakan and SUPP leaders would have the courage to say No to Umno?  

MerdekaReview  and Malaysiakini have the reports…

“四年过去了,还在研究中”
董教总怀疑教育部施缓兵之计
■日期/Mar 30, 2007   ■时间/12:37:03 am
■新闻/家国风云   ■作者/本刊记者
           
【本刊记者撰述】马来西亚华校董事联合会总会(董总)主席叶新田与马来西亚华校教师会总会(教总)主席王超群联名发表文告,非议教育部从2003年开始,就对外宣称2008年华小数理科考试媒介语还未定夺。董教总说,四年过去了,该部对这项议题的答案依然是“还在研究当中”,不得不让人怀疑这只不过是“缓兵之计”。

董教总昨日是针对教长希山慕丁(Hishammuddin Hussein)于327日在国会的书面答复,发表文告。马华公会务边区(Gopeng)国会议员陈祖排当时提问,2008年华小数理科考试将使用什么媒介语时,教长如是回答:“内阁于20027月召开的特别会议中,针对英语教导数理的制度已作出决定,即所有政府学校考试,如小六评估考试、初中评估考试、马来西亚教育文凭考试和马来西亚高级学校文凭考试的数理科,将全面使用英语出题。”

教长然后补充道:“至于华小数理科的考试媒介语,教育部还在研究当中。”

有鉴于20025月,当教育部宣布小学数理教学改用英文教学措施时,华裔副教育部长多次发布“小学数理科以英文教学的措施只限国小,不包括华小和淡小”的声明,结果却背道而驰,董教总因此不表乐观。

董教总的文告全文如下:

一、董教总认为,从2003年开始,当局就已对外宣称2008年华小数理科考试媒介语还未决定,四年过去了对这项议题依然“还在研究当中”,不得不让人怀疑这只不过是“缓兵之计”;正如20025月当局宣布小学数理教学改用英文教学措施时,华裔副教育部长多次发布“小学数理科以英文教学的措施只限国小,不包括华小和淡小”的声明,结果如何,不言而喻。

二、董教总重申,认同政府致力于提高国人掌握英语的努力的立场,同时要明确的指出,英文作为一种重要的科技及国际通用语,其地位是重要的,但对英文这项语文教育问题,若没有从语言学习的规律而针对性,不分层次或领域去应对与学习,反而妄想以越俎代庖的方式,以作为知识科目的数理科来学习英文知识,这不仅是一项不科学,也是一项不明智的决策。

董教总本着母语教育的基本原则,坚决反对各源流学校的数学、科学两科以英文教学与考试。董教总认为,这项课题绝非仅是单一源流学校及族群的课题,而是涉及违反教育原理,褫夺人民以母语传授知识的基本人权,甚至影响国家数理人才培养的重大课题。

三、董教总促请政府在当前面临经济全球一体化,国际的大格局将朝多元开放的趋势发展,我国欲在2020年达致先进国宏愿,必须尽速调整长期以来所推行的单元化国家政策,在语文政策方面,在肯定马来语作为国家语言的同时,应公平对待我国各族母语教育的发展,鼓励国民掌握多种语文,致力于培养具全球化视野与观念的国民,才能使我国在各领域既有所承传,也能发挥优势,有效地融入国际社会,在激烈的国际竞争中占一席之地。

四、董教总吁请各华小董家教三机构及家长站稳立场,坚持要求教育部必须以华文作为华小六年级评估考试数理科的媒介语,以确保学生在符合教育原理的环境下,通过母语学习和掌握数理知识,这不但是最直接和最有效的教学管道,同时也确保各民族的母语教育体系获得良好的发展

 Thanks to MCA leaders, Bai Xiao (SJKC Damansara) has been forced to shut down for 7 years now. The students are still using cabins as their classrooms. The struggle continues…

五百印裔家长齐聚国会前怒吼
疾呼停止将淡小视为“继子”
郭史光庆
07年3月29日 傍晚6:05
调整字体大小:
“伯拉!救救我们的学校!”,来自全国各地的500名印裔家长,今早在通往国会大厦的大路上进行近3句钟的请愿活动。他们要以行动证明,自己是具有尊严的公民,而非可以随意歧视的乞丐,他们要求首相阿都拉公平对待淡小,停止将淡小视为“继子”。奈何身在国外的阿都拉无法亲耳听见他们的心声,只能委派首相署部长纳兹里代收备忘录,而后者基于部门职责不同,只能答应充当传讯者。

歧视淡小等于否决印裔孩子前途

这些来自雪兰莪、柔佛、吉打、彭亨等地的家长,今天放下手上的工作、申请假期,大清早摸黑上路,目的就是要把心声清楚传达给政府。

其中一名协调者查尔斯(Charles Santiago)神情激昂地向记者表示,“为什么我们在这里?因为我们受够了!我们真的受够了!”

他们申诉,第9大马计划公布已一年,但是淡小依然没有获得足够的拨款,许多淡小连基本的设施都没有。

要阿都拉停止歧视母语教育

家长们的代表--淡米尔教育运动分子阿鲁慕甘(K Arumugam,左图)指出,92%就读淡小的学生,都来自月入少于900令吉的贫困家庭,教育是他们摆脱贫穷的唯一管道。

“政府忽略淡小的发展,就等于否决印裔孩子的未来。请聆听印裔孩子的呐喊,给他们一个光明的未来。”

他表示,根据他们的统计,政府只要拨出区区的2亿令吉,就能够让全国淡小拥有完整的基本设施,奈何政府连这一点都做不到。

“这已经让我们沦为乞丐,我们就是要来这里告诉政府,我们不是乞丐,我们是有尊严、受尊敬的马来西亚公民!”

淡米尔基金主席马诺加兰(M Manogaran )更强烈要求阿都拉,停止发出将国小列为首选小学的歧视性言论,“所有的小学都是平等的,各族人民都有交税,因此没有所谓谁比较首要的问题”。

布条口号夹道“欢迎”议员

家长们是在今早10时开始聚集在国会大门口,向进出国会的议员汽车展示海报与布条,要他们关注淡米尔教育的前景。这群乘搭巴士到国会的家长几乎都来自中下阶层,与进出国会的黑玻璃豪华进口房车,形成强烈的对比。

警方派出数十名镇暴队、交通警察、制服警察和政治部人员监视与维持秩序,惟没有阻止请愿活动。

一些来自董总、白沙罗华小(白小)保校工委会和青年组织的成员也前来参与请愿,他们连同数名印裔青年来回走动带领群众高喊口号,“伯拉!救救我们的学校!”、“斗争!斗争!为淡米尔斗争到底!”、“身躯属于土地,灵魂属于淡米尔!”。

他们也在布条和海报上表达强烈的不满,“设备不足的淡小,对首相是一项污辱!”、“我们投下85%的选票,你的拨款只有1%”、“教育大蓝图里不见淡小,为什么?”

林吉祥下周一国会提动议

在国会里开会的行动党领袖几乎倾巢而出,包括林吉祥、郭素沁、陈国伟、方贵伦、章瑛和古拉(M Kulasegaran),其他政党的领袖有回青团团长沙拉勿丁(Salahuddin Ayub)以及公正党的西韦尔(Xavier Jayakumar)。他们出来与群众握手,并发表简短的演讲。

家长们也将一份由108个团体签署支持的备忘录呈交给林吉祥,后者答应将在下周一的国会里提呈临时动议,要求辩论淡小问题。人群一直到中午12时30分下起大雨才解散。

纳兹里将向内阁反映

首相署部长纳兹里予中午12时,在国会会议室内接见家长代表,代首相接收备忘录,章瑛、古拉和公正党主席旺阿兹莎也有出席是项会议。阿都拉目前身在沙地阿拉伯出席会议。

纳兹里在聆听代表们的诉求后表示,由于淡小问题不属于其部门管辖范围,他只能答应将讯息转达予首相和教育部长希山慕丁,并在内阁里向同僚提出此事。

“对我来说,我相信教育民主化,不管是什么语文,你如果喜欢淡米尔,就进入淡小;喜欢华语,就进入华小。现在已经是2007年,不应该再谈论你是什么种族,教育是所有人的权利。我会尽可能在能力范围内协助你们。”

家长坚持让孩子学习淡文

《当今大马》访问了数名参与者,其中来自柔佛士姑来的姗蒂(37岁)与其姐姐慕妮雅玛(40岁),今天特地向厂方请假,前来参与这次的请愿活动。

“政府不顾我们的感受,给予淡小的设施不足。许多家长都要把孩子送入淡小,但是设施却不足。”

受询及为何她们坚持送孩子进入淡小就读时,育有3名孩子的姗蒂表示,“我们要孩子用淡米尔文学习,这样他们才能掌握其他的科目,因为淡米尔文是他们容易了解的语文,而且淡小也有教导马来文和英语”。

慕妮雅玛也让其14岁女儿登玛拉向校方请假,前来为“校”请命。

国大党2004年备忘录无回音

淡小面对的问题包括:

- 拨款微不足道,第9大马计划拨出6千484万令吉予淡小,只占小学拨款总额的1.34%;

- 超过六分之一的淡小老师未经培训;

- 72%的淡小是半津贴学校,必须自行筹集经费维修校舍与添购设备;

- 约三分之一的淡小缺乏自来水供应;

- 数理英化政策让淡小学生无法跟上课程进度。

自称代表印裔社群的国大党曾在2004年向政府呈交一份要求改善淡小的备忘录,但是政府至今未有行动。

 

“伯拉,救救我们的淡小!”
六百印裔国会大厦前请愿救校
■日期/Mar 29, 2007   ■时间/07:28:04 pm
■新闻/家国风云   ■作者/本刊陈慧思
           
【本刊陈慧思撰述】600印度人今日聚集在国会大厦门前,向首相阿都拉巴达威和众国会议员发出求救呼声:“救救淡米尔小学!”

来自全国各地的印裔同胞今早井然有序地聚合在国会大厦前,以谦卑的姿态,呼吁首相阿都拉救救病入膏肓的淡米尔小学。他们以数十条布条,反映淡米尔小学窘迫的状况,吁请政府全津目前占总数72%的半津淡小,予淡小一条生路、许印裔孩子一个光明的未来。

印裔社群在关心公民组织(Group of Concerned Citizens)的领导下,向国会在野党领袖林吉祥和首相署部长纳兹里(Nazri Aziz)提呈备忘录,要求首相、内阁和在野党议员立即关注淡小的问题。

教育是基本人权,可是因政策的偏颇,非马来源流的学校长期遭边缘化。由于印裔社群自力更生的能力有限,淡小的情况也最为严峻。

请愿者在备忘录中指出,占淡小总数72%的半津淡小陷入年久失修、设备严缺的状态;政策的偏颇也导致淡小严缺、师资不足、教师缺乏培训等问题。这份题名《停止把淡小当油瓶子》(Berhenti Melayan Sekolah-sekolah Tamil sebagai Anak Tiri)的备忘录获得108个团体联署支持,足见印裔社群的问题取得社会广泛的同情、认同和共鸣。

烈日下请愿两小时

关心公民组织协调员、请愿活动发起人阿鲁姆干(Arumugam Kalimuthu,右图)接受记者采访时表示,今日距离第九马来西亚计划去年三月在国会通过已足有一年,可是国会却无法拨出足够的拨款予淡小,因此,关心淡小发展印裔人士今日聚集在国会门前,告知一众国会议员:这个国家是全体马来西亚人的,国家应该发放足够的教育拨款,让每一个孩童接受教育!

他表示:“淡小为贫穷的印裔学生提供了摆脱贫穷的希望,淡小不存在了,孩子成功的机会也将被削薄。请聆听我们孩子的哭声!请留给他们一个希望!”

请愿者要求政府把所有半津淡小转成全津政府学校,并要求政府立即拨款装修、扩建及增建淡小,以创造一个适当的环境予淡小学生追求知识。此外,备忘录也促政府培训更多教师,以解决师资不足及不良的问题。印裔社群也促政府恢复以母语教数理政策。

来自全国各地的印裔请愿者高举写着“让我们活下去,莫漠视淡小”、“我们投你一票,首相你投一票给淡小”、“不要糖果红包,给钱淡小”、“莫抹煞我们的权利”、“我们要全津淡小”、“1957年,888淡小;2007年,523淡小”标语的布条、喊出“伯拉,救救淡小”、“斗争,为淡小斗争”等口号,在烈日下请愿约两小时,希望首相和一众国会议员倾听他们压抑已久的心声。

白小保校工委会成员和关心母语教育的华裔青年也到场支持印裔社群的请愿行动。

我们真的受够了!”

淡米尔基金会主席马诺嘉(M.Manogar)对记者发言时表示:“别当淡小是油瓶子,每个公民都有均等的权利接受教育!我们要求政府莫再予以淡小橱窗摆设,淡小没有像样的食堂、没有足够的课室,市区也面对淡小缺乏的问题,我们不应拒绝增建淡小!”

他指出,92%的淡小学生来自月收入低于900元的家庭,政府拒绝发展淡小,等于剥夺他们受教育的机会。因此,政府必须予以印裔社群一个清晰的答复:增建淡小。

关心公民组织协调员查尔斯圣地亚哥(Charles Santiago)表示,淡小目前陷入破落不堪的境地,许多学校桌椅尚且不足,老师被迫在破了大洞的黑板上写字;在21世纪的今天,淡小的学生们仍在19世纪的课堂上上课,这一切,都因为政府没有遵守承诺,予以淡小应有的拨款。

他说:“我们已经受够了,我们真的已经受够了,大部份到淡小求学的孩子都是穷孩子,你这样对待淡小,只会让穷者愈穷。第九马来西亚计划下,政府拨出6400万的款额予淡小,可是一年后只发出了50万的拨款,剩余的那些去了哪里?我们不求多,我们只要回我们的份。”

行动党下周一提紧急动议

林吉祥在11时半率领回教党古邦阁亮区国会议员沙拉胡丁阿育(Salahuddin Ayub)、民主行动党怡保西区国会议员古拉(M. Kulasegaran)、大山脚区国会议员章瑛、士布爹区国会议员郭素沁、武吉免登区国会议员方贵伦等在野国会议员与一众次序井然地守候在国会大厦门口的请愿者握手会面。

众在野议员皆对淡小的状况表示同情,并承诺全力以赴,捍卫印裔同胞接受母语教育的权利。林吉祥发言前率领众人高喊三声:“我们要淡小!”随之表示:“淡小已经被欺压、遭受不公平对待很久了,我们要更多拨款、更多老师、更多淡小!我们有接受母语教育的权利!”

他高呼:“我们要国会、内阁、首相听听我们的心声!民主行动党和回教党会在国会上代为传达你们的讯息。古拉将在下周一提呈紧急动议,以便国会探讨淡小的问题。”

也是回教党青年团团长的沙拉胡丁阿育表示,教育是基本权利,国民应该不分宗教和种族,获得最好的教育;阿都拉应该从沉睡中苏醒,公平对待国民。他也指出,若国会通过古拉的紧急动议,回教党国会议员将全力以赴,为印裔社群争取权益。

纳兹里认同母语教育

请愿者原已去信首相,要求首相亲自接见他们,可是去函始终没有回音。今日首相派出纳兹里接见印裔代表。

纳兹里代首相接领备忘录后指出,他并非教育部长,无权插手教育问题,但他保证会转交备忘录予首相以及代请愿者向首相传达心声。他也承诺会把问题带上内阁,向其同僚反映印裔的问题。

淡米尔基金会委员拉古(Ragu)在会上愤然说:“生成是淡米尔人并不是我们选择的,这是我们的天命。这些年来,我们活像是一座孤岛,首相也曾表示对印裔的问题毫不知情,我们的文化、教育都是用自己的钱维持的,到底我们做这个国家的国民为的是什么?”

他失望地表示:我们是活在这儿,还是非洲国家?我尽我的能力爱国,但我却从未被国家重视过,我们没有希望…”

在场的人民公正党主席旺阿兹莎(Wan Azizah)听了请愿者的心声之后,对印裔社群表示同情。她认为,政府应该关注母语教育的发展;人民公正党强力支持印裔社群的诉求。

纳兹里(左二)则表示:“我相信民主教育,我认为,无论你选择在什么语文的学校受教育,只要你喜欢,你就应该获得。我会尽我的能力,任何以我之名能办到的事,我都会去做、会去帮忙。”

他也说:“这已是21世纪,已经没有人会再在意你的肤色,最重要的是,为所有人提供教育。”

请愿者提呈的备忘录指出,政府承诺在第九马来西亚计划下拨出6484万元发展淡小,平均每年1300万元,可是去年政府拨予淡小的拨款仅有50万元,相对淡小严峻的情况,简直就是杯水车薪。此外,在1990年至2005年期间,淡小的拨款总额只占小学拨款总额的0.26%2.4%,可见一直以来国家都在系统化地摧毁淡小。

备忘录曝露,超过六份之一的淡小老师从未受过训练、三份之一淡小没有自来水供应、90%淡小没有学前教育设施。在2004年,国大党曾提呈涵盖11个项目的备忘录予政府,反映淡小的困境,可是迄今当局仍未作出令人满意的回应。